{"id":72800,"date":"2025-08-19T09:12:10","date_gmt":"2025-08-19T09:12:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/permbledhja.com\/?p=72800"},"modified":"2025-08-19T09:12:10","modified_gmt":"2025-08-19T09:12:10","slug":"arkitektonika-e-arkitektures-se-sigurise-perendimore","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/permbledhja.com\/sq\/arkitektonika-e-arkitektures-se-sigurise-perendimore\/","title":{"rendered":"Arkitektonika e arkitektur\u00ebs s\u00eb siguris\u00eb per\u00ebndimore"},"content":{"rendered":"

Strategjia per\u00ebndimore duhet t\u00eb reflektoj\u00eb realitetin: p\u00ebrgatitje afatgjate p\u00ebr konflikte sfilit\u00ebse me Rusin\u00eb dhe frenim ekonomik e ushtarak t\u00eb rritjes kineze p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar ndikimin e saj n\u00eb tregun global t\u00eb teknologjis\u00eb s\u00eb lart\u00eb dhe rrug\u00ebt tregtare n\u00eb Indo-Pacifik. Insistimi p\u00ebr ndalim t\u00eb menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm t\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb reflekton dob\u00ebsin\u00eb per\u00ebndimore si aktor global. P\u00ebrballja afatgjate me Rusin\u00eb dhe frenimi i ekspansionit kinez duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb prioriteti strategjik<\/strong><\/p>\n

Enver Hasani<\/strong><\/p>\n

Mandati i par\u00eb: hamend\u00ebsimet p\u00ebr natyr\u00ebn e Trumpit<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ardhja e presidentit Trump (2017-2020) ndryshoi duksh\u00ebm paradigm\u00ebn e siguris\u00eb, duke k\u00ebrkuar nga evropian\u00ebt t\u00eb kontribuonin m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr NATO-n. P\u00ebr t\u00eb, siguria kishte nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr natyr\u00eb: ajo mund t\u00eb ndahej n\u00eb siguri amerikane dhe siguri evropiane, jo si\u00e7 kishte qen\u00eb deri at\u00ebher\u00eb si siguri euro-atlantike. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb periudh\u00eb, Trump nuk ndikoi direkt marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me Rusin\u00eb, Kin\u00ebn apo aleat\u00ebt. Krejt \u00e7far\u00eb b\u00ebri ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj me tronditjen e udh\u00ebheqjes euro-atlantike mbi shpenzimet dhe prioritetet e siguris\u00eb. Ky mandat u karakterizua nga hamend\u00ebsime mbi fenomenin e tij, m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa analiza e rrethanave q\u00eb e soll\u00ebn n\u00eb pushtet. Nj\u00eb faktor ky\u00e7 ishte lodhja e Per\u00ebndimit pas Pranver\u00ebs Arabe dhe paaft\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb menaxhuar k\u00ebto revolucione n\u00eb favor t\u00eb vet. Obama dhe aleat\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb besuan se mb\u00ebshtetja e nj\u00eb rendi liberal dhe vlerave universale do t\u00eb transformonte automatikisht bot\u00ebn arabe n\u00eb pro-per\u00ebndimore dhe anti-ruse. Kjo qasje shpesh \u00e7oi n\u00eb reagime pavend t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit dhe ngjalli pasiguri mbi q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e politik\u00ebs amerikane. Trump donte korrigjim rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsor t\u00eb k\u00ebtij orientimi strategjik amerikan.<\/p>\n

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Mandati i dyt\u00eb i Trumpit<\/strong><\/p>\n

Edhe mandati i dyt\u00eb i Trumpit tregoi stilin e tij t\u00eb paparashikuesh\u00ebm n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme, ku tarifat dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet sh\u00ebrbyen si mjete presioni ndaj aleat\u00ebve dhe rival\u00ebve. Ndryshe nga lider\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar si Nixon apo Hrush\u00e7ov, tek Trump k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet shpesh nuk shoq\u00ebroheshin nga fuqia reale p\u00ebr p\u00ebrdorim force, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb raport me Putinin. Kjo krijoi nj\u00eb klim\u00eb publikisht pajtuese, por jo realisht bind\u00ebse, duke detyruar aleat\u00ebt evropian\u00eb t\u00eb ruajn\u00eb rezervat ndaj politik\u00ebs amerikane n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe duke nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah kufizimet e paparashikueshm\u00ebris\u00eb si strategji nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Jasht\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs, Trump ka sh\u00ebnuar suksese t\u00eb prekshme. Ai nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsoi p\u00ebr ndalimin e konflikteve t\u00eb armatosura midis armiqve shekullor\u00eb, si Armenia-Azerbajxhani dhe India-Pakistani, si dhe nd\u00ebrhyri p\u00ebr stabilizimin e Kamboxhias dhe Tajland\u00ebs. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht i duksh\u00ebm ishte ndikimi i tij n\u00eb Siri dhe Iran. Me Iranin, p\u00ebrmes goditjes s\u00eb sofistikuar dhe t\u00eb fort\u00eb ushtarake, Trump ka kufizuar seriozisht aft\u00ebsit\u00eb b\u00ebrthamore t\u00eb vendit, nd\u00ebrsa Sirin\u00eb e ka futur n\u00eb binar\u00ebt e nj\u00eb shteti q\u00eb lufton ISIS-in dhe islamizmin radikal. N\u00eb Siri, kjo u arrit, p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs, p\u00ebrmes aleatit t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb dhe mikut personal, presidentit t\u00eb Turqis\u00eb, Rexhep Taip Erdogan. Nj\u00eb faktor ky\u00e7 n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst ka qen\u00eb dhe mbetet Izraeli, i cili, me mb\u00ebshtetjen amerikane, ka shkat\u00ebrruar \u00e7do armatim potencial q\u00eb mund t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnonte rajonin. Si pasoj\u00eb, Siria u detyrua t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn e Izraelit dhe t\u00eb zhvilloj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie koekzistence me t\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar mbijetes\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Pa asnj\u00eb dyshim, rreziku b\u00ebrthamor iranian ka hyr\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb parashikueshme, fal\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme Trump, dhe at\u00eb p\u00ebr dy arsye. S\u00eb pari, sfidat e brendshme shoq\u00ebrore dhe politike kan\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar regjimin e Ajetollah\u00ebve, duke i hapur disidenc\u00ebs hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr veprim. S\u00eb dyti, ndryshimi i raportit t\u00eb forcave globale vendosi Iranin n\u00eb disavantazh: Rusia dhe Kina nuk pat\u00ebn asnj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr ta mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme n\u00eb p\u00ebrballje ushtarake me Izraelin dhe SHBA-n\u00eb. Lindja e Mesme, p\u00ebrfundimisht u pastrua nga ndikimi ruso-kinez n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen. \u00a0Trump shfryt\u00ebzoi k\u00ebt\u00eb situat\u00eb duke k\u00ebrkuar p\u00ebrafrimin e Rusis\u00eb me SHBA-n\u00eb n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme. Rusia, e p\u00ebrqendruar p\u00ebr momentin n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe \u201cnear abroad\u201d, i ka l\u00ebn\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar pa pengesa, jo se d\u00ebshironte nj\u00eb rezultat t\u00eb till\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb bot\u00ebs, por nga kufizimet e saj strategjike. Kina, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, ka ruajtur neutralitetin, duke nd\u00ebrtuar strategji afatgjata kund\u00ebr Per\u00ebndimit dhe SHBA-s\u00eb globalisht. Kjo dinamik\u00eb e re gjeopolitike leht\u00ebson veprimet amerikane n\u00eb rajon, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb sjelljen e Iranit m\u00eb t\u00eb kontrollueshme. Kjo p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb sukses t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr Per\u00ebndimin dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Rusia si shtojc\u00eb e strategjis\u00eb afatgjate kineze<\/strong><\/p>\n

Agresioni i Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb e ka kthyer at\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb instrument t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb raport me Evrop\u00ebn dhe SHBA-n\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa Pekini ruan pozicion neutral, duke fituar dy avantazhe: i tregon SHBA-s\u00eb se Azia Lindore dhe Juglindore jan\u00eb sfera ndikimi t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs dhe vet\u00eb \u00a0pozicionohet, n\u00eb \u00a0nj\u00eb \u00a0m\u00ebnyr\u00eb \u00a0paradoksale, si mbrojt\u00ebs i rendit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb krijuar nga Per\u00ebndimi pas 1945.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, rreziku rus nuk q\u00ebndron n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e saj ushtarake, por n\u00eb faktin se \u00e7do avancim i Mosk\u00ebs e kthen at\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb vasale t\u00eb strategjis\u00eb kineze p\u00ebr dominim global. Vet\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim Rusia paraqet nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim ekzistencial: si shtojc\u00eb e Kin\u00ebs dhe jo si fuqi autonome. Pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron d\u00ebshtimi i Trump-it, i cili po e sheh Mosk\u00ebn si partner t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm kund\u00ebr Pekinit, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb realiteti tregon t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn. Takimi n\u00eb Alaska e konfirmoi k\u00ebt\u00eb gabim, duke treguar m\u00eb shum\u00eb rehabilitimin e nj\u00eb fuqie t\u00eb rr\u00ebnuar sesa nj\u00eb strategji koherente p\u00ebr frenimin e Kin\u00ebs. N\u00eb fakt, si\u00e7 e p\u00ebrkufizoi Kennan q\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1947 me konceptin e \u201ccontainment\u201d, frena e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton parandalimin e dep\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb perandorie n\u00eb zonat e nj\u00eb tjetre \u2013 gj\u00eb q\u00eb Trump, me mir\u00ebkuptimin e tij ndaj interesave strategjike ruse, nuk po arrin ta zbatoj\u00eb. Si mund t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr frenim t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb kineze dhe aleatit t\u00eb saj rus, kur n\u00eb fjalimin e tij n\u00eb Alask\u00eb, Putini fal\u00ebnderoi Trumpin p\u00ebr mir\u00ebkuptimin q\u00eb ka treguar dhe vazhdon t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb ndaj interesave t\u00eb siguris\u00eb \u2013 pra interesave strategjike ruse?!<\/p>\n

Nga sa m\u00eb \u00a0sip\u00ebr, qart\u00eb \u00a0shihet se politika e jashtme Trump n\u00eb Alask\u00eb bazohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb premis\u00eb e gabuar, sipas s\u00eb cil\u00ebs Putin mund t\u00eb ndahet nga ndikimi kinez dhe t\u00eb veproj\u00eb si aleat i SHBA n\u00eb frenimin e Kin\u00ebs. Kjo ide, e mb\u00ebshtetur nga konservator\u00eb pran\u00eb Trumpit si ata t\u00eb \u201cProject 2025\u201d t\u00eb Heritage Foundation, bazohet n\u00eb analogjin\u00eb me politikat e Henri Kisinxher-it n\u00eb fund t\u00eb viteve \u201980. Por kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e gabuar: at\u00ebher\u00eb Kina dhe Bashkimi Sovjetik ishin tashm\u00eb t\u00eb ndar\u00eb; nuk kishte asgj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u201cshk\u00ebputur\u201d. Aktualisht, Rusia \u00ebsht\u00eb e dob\u00ebt, por kjo dob\u00ebsi nuk mund t\u00eb interpretohet si avantazh p\u00ebr Per\u00ebndimin, pasi Rusia ka lidhje strategjike me Kin\u00ebn. P\u00ebr SHBA, \u00e7do p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr ta ndar\u00eb Rusin\u00eb nga Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb barr\u00eb e r\u00ebnd dhe rrezikon humbjen e aleat\u00ebve evropian\u00eb, q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb pasur, me ndikim global dhe t\u00eb domosdosh\u00ebm p\u00ebr teknologjin\u00eb e avancuar. N\u00eb \u00a0secilin rast, \u201cmarr\u00ebveshja\u201d n\u00eb \u00a0Alask\u00eb ka gjas\u00eb t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb \u00a0p\u00ebr\u00e7arje se sa unitet per\u00ebndimor, asnj\u00eb her\u00eb \u201cshk\u00ebputje\u201d t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb \u00a0nga partneriteti strategjik me Kin\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Riorientimi kinez dhe ndikimi rus<\/strong><\/p>\n

Operacioni \u201cSalt Typhoon\u201d ka d\u00ebshmuar p\u00ebrmasat e penetrimit kinez n\u00eb rrjetet e siguris\u00eb amerikane, brenda dhe jasht\u00eb vendit. Si\u00e7 sqaron An Nojberger n\u00eb Foreign Affairs m\u00eb 13 gusht 2025, kjo tregon frik\u00ebn e diplomat\u00ebve amerikan\u00eb se SHBA po humb konkurrenc\u00ebn kibernetike me Kin\u00ebn. Humbja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht \u00e7\u00ebshtje softuerike, por zhvendosje e fuqis\u00eb politike nga Atlantiku n\u00eb Paq\u00ebsorin Per\u00ebndimor dhe m\u00eb tej n\u00eb mas\u00ebn tok\u00ebsore euro-aziatike.<\/p>\n

Historikisht, primati global ka ardhur nga avantazhi tekniko-teknologjik. Perandorit\u00eb ngrihen dhe bien n\u00eb var\u00ebsi t\u00eb avancimeve n\u00eb teknologji ushtarake dhe industriale. Evropa e Mesjet\u00ebs, p\u00ebr shembull, humbi p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsin\u00eb ndaj mongol\u00ebve, por u rikuperua me shpikjen e arm\u00ebve t\u00eb zjarrit dhe ushtrive t\u00eb rregullta. E nj\u00ebjta logjik\u00eb vlen sot: dominimi global varet nga avancimet teknologjike dhe kibernetike. Ravij\u00ebzimi i ep\u00ebrsis\u00eb kineze n\u00eb teknologjin\u00eb e lart\u00eb, treguar nga suksesi i \u201cSalt Typhoon\u201d, lidhet ngusht\u00eb me kontrollin e mineraleve t\u00eb rralla, burimi kryesor p\u00ebr avancimin kibernetik dhe teknologjik. Kina po konsolidon k\u00ebshtu nj\u00eb dominim afatgjat\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnon ep\u00ebrsin\u00eb historike t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebn teknologjike nj\u00eb fush\u00eb ky\u00e7e p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb dhe pushtetin global.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr tregues i avancimit kinez n\u00eb teknologjin\u00eb e lart\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kalimi nga prodhimi masiv drejt inovacionit dhe teknologjis\u00eb s\u00eb avancuar, i udh\u00ebhequr nga modeli \u201cMade in China 2025\u201d dhe \u201cDual Circulation Strategy\u201d (2020) q\u00eb synojn\u00eb rritjen e inovacionit dhe uljen e var\u00ebsis\u00eb ndaj tregut t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm, duke balancuar fuqin\u00eb ekonomike t\u00eb brendshme me at\u00eb globale. K\u00ebto orientime strategjike kineze jan\u00eb nxitur nga angazhimi euro-atlantik me Ukrain\u00ebn dhe Rusin\u00eb, si dhe si nj\u00eb \u00a0reagim ndaj politikave tarifore t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs Trump. Samiti n\u00eb Alaska konfirmoi se fituesi kryesor \u00ebsht\u00eb Kina, e cila, si dor\u00eb e padukshme, form\u00ebson politik\u00ebn ruse. Rusia ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb interesa strategjike dhe ekonomike me Kin\u00ebn sesa me Amerik\u00ebn, duke marr\u00eb treg p\u00ebr prodhimet e pap\u00ebrpunuara dhe duke shmangur nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr koncesione ndaj Per\u00ebndimit.<\/p>\n

Ky konfiguracion global i strategjive paraqet nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb serioze p\u00ebr Per\u00ebndimin, p\u00ebr shkak se Evropa dhe Amerika kan\u00eb prioritet dhe qasje t\u00eb ndryshme p\u00ebr balancimin e Kin\u00ebs. P\u00ebr SHBA, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb balancim ushtarak dhe i siguris\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebr Evrop\u00ebn, frenimi i avancimit tekniko-teknologjik dhe konkurrenca ekonomike jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Kjo dilem\u00eb dhe paqart\u00ebsi per\u00ebndimore ndaj Kin\u00ebs nuk ndryshon asgj\u00eb n\u00eb sjelljet ruse: Rusia mbetet e dob\u00ebt ushtarakisht dhe nuk mund t\u00eb dep\u00ebrtoj\u00eb thell\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb; ajo mund vet\u00ebm t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb tension n\u00eb periferin\u00eb e saj, duke vepruar n\u00eb harmoni me interesat kineze. K\u00ebto divergjenca midis Amerik\u00ebs dhe Evrop\u00ebs mbi m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn dhe q\u00ebllimin e balancimit krijojn\u00eb terren p\u00ebr p\u00ebr\u00e7arje t\u00eb m\u00ebtejshme. Takimi n\u00eb Alaska, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb ndaloj\u00eb luft\u00ebn n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, duket se vet\u00ebm thellon hendekun mes dy an\u00ebve t\u00eb Atlantikut, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht mbi \u00e7\u00ebshtjen thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb siguris\u00eb per\u00ebndimore dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si ajo duhet menaxhuar.<\/p>\n

Kina, si perandori n\u00eb ngritje, vazhdon t\u00eb orientoj\u00eb kapacitetin e saj ekonomik dhe ushtarak p\u00ebr t\u00eb sfiduar Amerik\u00ebn dhe Per\u00ebndimin. Frenimi i Kin\u00ebs duhet t\u00eb \u00a0mbetet prioritet strategjik p\u00ebr Per\u00ebndimin, nd\u00ebrsa \u00e7do p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr ta ndar\u00eb Rusin\u00eb nga Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb e kushtueshme dhe e pasuksesshme. Vet\u00eb fakti q\u00eb t\u00eb h\u00ebn\u00ebn presidenti Zelenski shkon n\u00eb Uashington p\u00ebr t\u00eb diskutuar se cilat pjes\u00eb t\u00eb territorit t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb tij duhet t\u2019ia dor\u00ebzoj\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, tregon shum\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrpjekjet titanike t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit n\u00eb nj\u00eb drejtim krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb gabuar.<\/p>\n

Rusia si sfid\u00eb periferike, Kina si prioritet global<\/strong><\/p>\n

Shpenzimi i kaq shum\u00eb energjis\u00eb p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm humbje kohe, por edhe d\u00ebshtim strategjik, duke luajtur n\u00eb terrenin e Kin\u00ebs. Ndarja e Rusis\u00eb nga Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb detyr\u00eb sizifi dhe e pamundur. Rusia nuk ka rrezikuar dhe nuk mund t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnoj\u00eb seriozisht as Ukrain\u00ebn, as vendet e tjera sovrane n\u00eb fqinj\u00ebsi. Projektimi i forc\u00ebs ruse \u00ebsht\u00eb i dob\u00ebt dhe nuk pritet t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsohet n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen e af\u00ebrt. Roli i Rusis\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pushtimi i shteteve p\u00ebrreth, por krijimi i konflikteve lokale dhe zgjerimi i zonave t\u00eb saj t\u00eb siguris\u00eb p\u00ebrmes sfilitjes, nj\u00eb politik\u00eb q\u00eb i sh\u00ebrben interesave kineze. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye Kina ka mb\u00ebshtetur dhe mb\u00ebshtet modernizimin e ushtris\u00eb ruse.<\/p>\n

Strategjia per\u00ebndimore duhet t\u00eb reflektoj\u00eb realitetin: p\u00ebrgatitje afatgjate p\u00ebr konflikte sfilit\u00ebse me Rusin\u00eb dhe frenim ekonomik e ushtarak t\u00eb rritjes kineze, p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar ndikimin e saj n\u00eb tregun global t\u00eb teknologjis\u00eb s\u00eb lart\u00eb dhe rrug\u00ebt tregtare n\u00eb Indo-Pacifik. Insistimi p\u00ebr ndalim t\u00eb menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm t\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb reflekton dob\u00ebsin\u00eb per\u00ebndimore si aktor global. P\u00ebrballja afatgjate me Rusin\u00eb dhe frenimi i ekspansionit kinez duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb prioriteti strategjik. Shpenzimet e m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr frenimin rus jan\u00eb disproporcionale krahasuar me fuqin\u00eb reale t\u00eb saj dhe tejkalojn\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm investimet p\u00ebr frenimin e Kin\u00ebs \u2013 nj\u00eb absurditet q\u00eb strategjia per\u00ebndimore duhet ta korrigjoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n

(Autori \u00ebsht\u00eb kryetari i par\u00eb i Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese dhe profesor i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs dhe i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare)<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Strategjia per\u00ebndimore duhet t\u00eb reflektoj\u00eb realitetin: p\u00ebrgatitje afatgjate p\u00ebr konflikte sfilit\u00ebse me Rusin\u00eb dhe frenim ekonomik e ushtarak t\u00eb rritjes kineze p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar ndikimin e saj n\u00eb tregun global t\u00eb teknologjis\u00eb s\u00eb lart\u00eb dhe rrug\u00ebt tregtare n\u00eb Indo-Pacifik. Insistimi p\u00ebr ndalim t\u00eb menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm t\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb reflekton dob\u00ebsin\u00eb per\u00ebndimore si aktor global. P\u00ebrballja […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":72801,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"_uf_show_specific_survey":0,"_uf_disable_surveys":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[70],"tags":[2384],"yoast_head":"\nArkitektonika e arkitektur\u00ebs s\u00eb siguris\u00eb per\u00ebndimore<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/permbledhja.com\/sq\/arkitektonika-e-arkitektures-se-sigurise-perendimore\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Arkitektonika e arkitektur\u00ebs s\u00eb siguris\u00eb per\u00ebndimore\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Strategjia per\u00ebndimore duhet t\u00eb reflektoj\u00eb realitetin: p\u00ebrgatitje afatgjate p\u00ebr konflikte sfilit\u00ebse me Rusin\u00eb dhe frenim ekonomik e ushtarak t\u00eb rritjes kineze p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar ndikimin e saj n\u00eb tregun global t\u00eb teknologjis\u00eb s\u00eb lart\u00eb dhe rrug\u00ebt tregtare n\u00eb Indo-Pacifik. 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