{"id":72218,"date":"2025-07-17T19:43:24","date_gmt":"2025-07-17T19:43:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/permbledhja.com\/?p=72218"},"modified":"2025-07-17T19:43:24","modified_gmt":"2025-07-17T19:43:24","slug":"shkodra-si-qendra-e-marredhenieve-austro-hungaro-shqiptare","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/permbledhja.com\/sq\/shkodra-si-qendra-e-marredhenieve-austro-hungaro-shqiptare\/","title":{"rendered":"Shkodra si qendra e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve austro-hungaro-shqiptare"},"content":{"rendered":"

Shkruan: Kurt Gostentschnigg<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb prag t\u00eb r\u00ebnies s\u00eb Perandoris\u00eb Osmane Austro-Hungaris\u00eb i duhej Shqip\u00ebria si shtet i pavarur, si aleate e vetme n\u00eb Ballkan kund\u00ebr pansllavizmit nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb dhe kund\u00ebr imperializmit italian n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr. Shkodra ka qen\u00eb qendra e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve austro-hungaro-shqiptare, t\u00eb cilat shtriheshin n\u00eb fushat shkenc\u00eb, politik\u00eb, ekonomi, ushtri dhe kultur\u00eb. Shkodra ka qen\u00eb selia e administrimit ushtarak austro-hungarez, d.m.th. e komand\u00ebs s\u00eb korpusit t\u00eb 19-t\u00eb dhe e k\u00ebshillit civil administrativ austro-hungarez n\u00eb vitet 1916 deri 1918. Shkodra ka qen\u00eb gjithashtu selia e Komisis\u00eb Letrare Shqipe, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb themeluar me nism\u00ebn\u00a0 e komisarit civil austro-hungarez August Kral dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb miratuar me urdhrin\u00a0 e komand\u00ebs s\u00eb korpusit ushtarak austro-hungarez m\u00eb 30 qershor 1916.<\/p>\n

Monografia ime \u201cWissenschaft im Spannungsfeld von Politik und Milit\u00e4r. Die \u00f6sterreichisch-ungarische Albanologie 1867-1918\u201d[1]<\/a>\u00a0(shqip: \u201eShkenca n\u00eb fush\u00ebn tensionuese t\u00eb politik\u00ebs dhe ushtris\u00eb. Albanologjia austro-hungareze 1867-1918\u201c) ofron nj\u00eb rikonstruksion t\u00eb fushave \u201eShkenc\u00eb\/Albanologji\u201c, \u201ePolitik\u00eb\u201c, \u201eUshtri\u201c dhe \u201eAustrofil\u00eb\u201c sipas teoris\u00eb s\u00eb fush\u00ebs t\u00eb Pierre Bourdieu-s. Ky studim i p\u00ebrgjigjet pyetjes s\u00eb lidhjes s\u00eb shkenc\u00ebs, politik\u00ebs dhe ushtris\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie bilaterale duke zbatuar teorin\u00eb e imperializmit kulturor t\u00eb Johan Galtung-ut, em\u00ebrton aktor\u00ebt individual\u00eb dhe kolektiv\u00eb t\u00eb fushave t\u00eb lartp\u00ebrmendura, tematizon perspektivat e tyre, tipizon aktor\u00ebt individual\u00eb t\u00eb fushave \u201cshkenc\u00eb\/albanologji\u201d dhe \u201caustrofil\u00eb\u201d si dhe p\u00ebrmban nj\u00eb tematizim t\u00eb nd\u00ebrveprimit t\u00eb fushave dhe nj\u00eb rikonstruksion t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebs \u201efushe t\u00eb pushtetit\u201c.<\/p>\n

Ne i referohemi k\u00ebtu teoris\u00eb s\u00eb praktik\u00ebs (prakseologjis\u00eb) sipas Pierre Bourdieu-s[2]<\/sup><\/a>, e cila p\u00ebrmban k\u00ebta terma kryesor\u00eb:\u00a0fush\u00eb<\/em>,\u00a0illusio<\/em>,\u00a0doxa<\/em>,\u00a0kapitale<\/em>, si\u00a0kapital ekonomik<\/em>,\u00a0kapital kulturor<\/em>,\u00a0kapital social<\/em>\u00a0dhe\u00a0kapital simbolik<\/em>, dhe\u00a0fush\u00eb e pushtetit<\/em>. Termi\u00a0kryeur\u00eb<\/em>\u00a0i referohet modelit \u201cqend\u00ebr-periferi\u201d[3]<\/sup><\/a>, sipas t\u00eb cilit bota p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga kombe n\u00eb qend\u00ebr dhe kombe n\u00eb periferi dhe \u00e7do komb n\u00eb vetvete ka nj\u00eb qend\u00ebr e nj\u00eb periferi t\u00eb tij\u00ebn. Kryeura \u00ebsht\u00eb baza e ndikimit t\u00eb kombit n\u00eb qend\u00ebr mbi nj\u00eb komb n\u00eb periferi. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast \u00ebsht\u00eb fjala p\u00ebr elit\u00ebn vendase, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb e gatshme p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim dhe i p\u00ebrshtatet gjer\u00ebsisht bot\u00ebkuptimit t\u00eb metropolit, me interesa vetiake p\u00ebr ruajtjen e raporteve ekzistuese. Ky model \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebnisja e teoris\u00eb s\u00eb imperializmit informal ose t\u00eb imperializmit kulturor t\u00eb Johan Galtung-ut[4]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0me termat e saj ky\u00e7\u00a0dhun\u00eb strukturore<\/em>\u00a0dhe\u00a0dhun\u00eb kulturore<\/em>. Esenca e imperializmit kulturor \u00ebsht\u00eb dhuna kulturore, nj\u00eb term, i cili u referohet aspekteve t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs si p\u00ebr shembull fes\u00eb ose ideologjis\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat legjitimojn\u00eb dhun\u00ebn n\u00eb form\u00ebn e saj direkte ose strukturore.[5]<\/sup><\/a> N\u00eb rastin e dhun\u00ebs strukturore nuk ka nj\u00eb aktor personal, por dhuna shkaktohet nga struktura n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb pabarazis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vijim un\u00eb do t\u00eb nxjerr esenc\u00ebn e monografis\u00eb sime duke u p\u00ebrqendruar n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjen e pyetjeve se \u00e7far\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptohet me tipat e shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebve\/albanolog\u00ebve austro-hungarez\u00eb, me Fush\u00ebn e Pushtetit dhe me tipat e austrofil\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb. Si p\u00ebrfundim do t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqem t\u00eb em\u00ebrtoj shkaqet vendimtare p\u00ebr mosrealizimin e interesave t\u00eb Austro-Hungaris\u00eb ndaj shqiptar\u00ebve austrofil\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Tipat e shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebve\/albanolog\u00ebve<\/strong><\/p>\n

Illusio-ja specifike e Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Shkenc\u00ebs ose Albanologjis\u00eb, d.m.th. interesat e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta t\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebve ose albanolog\u00ebve, q\u00ebndronte n\u00eb ndri\u00e7imin e aspekteve t\u00eb panjohura t\u00eb historis\u00eb, kultur\u00ebs dhe gjuh\u00ebs s\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve. Doxa-ja specifike, e caktuar nga Fusha e Politik\u00ebs edhe n\u00eb Austri edhe n\u00eb Hungari, d.m.th. kredot e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta t\u00eb pavet\u00ebdijshme t\u00eb albanolog\u00ebve se n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb Monarkia e Dyfisht\u00eb duhej luajtur rolin e pionierit, ndikonte n\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhjen e temave t\u00eb k\u00ebrkimit.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebta aktor\u00eb konkurronin n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb kapitalit t\u00eb tyre ekonomik, d.m.th. pasuris\u00eb monetare dhe pron\u00ebs materiale, kapitalit t\u00eb tyre kulturor, d.m.th. formimit dhe pozit\u00ebs profesionale, kapitalit t\u00eb tyre social, d.m.th. marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve dhe rrjeteve, dhe kapitalit t\u00eb tyre simbolik, d.m.th. prestigjit dhe reputacionit social, p\u00ebr mbajtjen ose ndryshimin e lidhjeve t\u00eb pushtetit brenda Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Albanologjis\u00eb austro-hungareze.<\/p>\n

Thelb\u00ebsor p\u00ebr analiz\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti fundamental se ne, brenda Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Albanologjis\u00eb austro-hungareze, e kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me tre tipa t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve:\u00a0tipin e past\u00ebr shkencor<\/em>,\u00a0tipin e p\u00ebrzier politiko-shkencor<\/em>\u00a0dhe\u00a0tipin e p\u00ebrzier ushtarako-shkencor<\/em>.[6]<\/a>\u00a0Tipi i past\u00ebr shkencor p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohet nga Konstantin Jire\u010dek, Milan \u0160ufflay, Carl Patsch, Gustav Meyer, Arnold Schober, Franz Miklosich, Hugo Schuchardt, Wilhelm Meyer\u2013L\u00fcbke, Norbert Jokl dhe Maximilian Lambertz. Tipi i p\u00ebrzier politiko-shkencor me lidhje me ose edhe pjes\u00ebmarrje n\u00eb Fush\u00ebn e Politik\u00ebs p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohet nga Johann Georg von Hahn, Ludwig Thall\u00f3czy, Teodor Ippen dhe Franz Nopcsa. Tipi i p\u00ebrzier ushtarako-shkencor me lidhje me ose madje pjes\u00ebmarrje n\u00eb Fush\u00ebn e Ushtris\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohet nga Georg Veith, Camillo Praschniker, Franz Seiner, Arthur Haberlandt, Nopcsa, Jokl dhe Lambertz. P\u00ebrmendja e dyfisht\u00eb e Nopcsa-s, Jokl-it dhe Lambertz-it ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me faktin se ata, n\u00eb periudha t\u00eb caktuara, kishin lidhje me Fush\u00ebn e Politik\u00ebs dhe\/ose me Fush\u00ebn e Ushtris\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Por lidhur me k\u00ebt\u00eb kompleks pyetjesh, ne mund t\u00eb konstatojm\u00eb q\u00eb tani me siguri se ka pasur dy tipa shkencor\u00eb parimor\u00eb, p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket g\u00ebrsh\u00ebtimit t\u00eb albanologjis\u00eb me politik\u00ebn, respektivisht tipin e p\u00ebrshtatur dhe tipin e pap\u00ebrshtatur. Shembulli klasik i tipit shkencor t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatur ishte Ippen, karakteristika e t\u00eb cilit ishte bindja paraprij\u00ebse, sepse ai, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pozit\u00ebs s\u00eb tij zyrtare, i kishte duart t\u00eb lidhura. Personifikimi i tipit shkencor t\u00eb pap\u00ebrshtatur ishte pa dyshim Nopcsa. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pozit\u00ebs s\u00eb tij sociale si aristokrat dhe hulumtues i njohur ai kishte lirin\u00eb t\u00eb shkruante dhe thoshte se \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb donte.<\/p>\n

Fusha e Pushtetit<\/strong><\/p>\n

Lidhur me k\u00ebt\u00eb tem\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb dhe t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuar ne duhet t\u00eb kemi parasysh fenomenin e p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb shum\u00ebfisht\u00eb t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve individual\u00eb n\u00eb fushat e ndryshme. Vet\u00ebm n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet pozicionit t\u00eb nj\u00ebkohsh\u00ebm t\u00eb albanolog\u00ebve austro-hungarez\u00eb n\u00eb dy ose disa fusha krijohej nj\u00eb g\u00ebrshetim automatik t\u00eb Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Shk\u00ebnc\u00ebs\/Albanologjis\u00eb me Fush\u00ebn e Politik\u00ebs dhe Fush\u00ebn e Ushtris\u00eb. Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet midis Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Albanologjis\u00eb nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb dhe Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Politik\u00ebs dhe Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Ushtris\u00eb nga ana tjet\u00ebr mund t\u00eb fiksoheshin n\u00eb disa aktor\u00eb individual\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt u p\u00ebrkisnin vazhdimisht ose p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht disa fushave. Kishte shum\u00eb lidhje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme dhe formime klikash n\u00eb kuptimin e partneritetit dhe kund\u00ebrshtimit, miq\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe armiq\u00ebsis\u00eb midis aktor\u00ebve edhe me p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsi t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb edhe t\u00eb ndryshme tek fushat. Si ilustrim mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrmendim rrjetet e Carl Patsch-it, Franz Nopcsa-s, Alfred Rappaport-it, August Kral-it dhe Heinrich Clanner-it.<\/p>\n

Fush\u00ebn e Pushtetit, e cila shtrihej n\u00ebp\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha fushat e tjera, duke kontrolluar kuot\u00ebn e k\u00ebmbimit t\u00eb kapitalit ekonomik, kulturor, social dhe simbolik midis fushave, ne mund ta em\u00ebrtojm\u00eb si motorin e imperializmit kulturor.[7]<\/a>\u00a0Fusha e Albanologjis\u00eb ishte deri diku e ekspozuar ndaj Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Pushtetit, d.m.th. imperializmit kulturor. Ky fakt konfirmohet nga analiza e pozit\u00ebs s\u00eb saj si n\u00ebnfush\u00eb brenda fush\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb balkanologjis\u00eb dhe e lidhjeve t\u00eb saja me fushat fqinje Politik\u00eb dhe Ushtri. N\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet t\u00eb dy tipave t\u00eb p\u00ebrzier t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Albanologjis\u00eb ne kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim me nj\u00eb g\u00ebrshetim automatik t\u00eb fushave t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshira Shkenca, Politika dhe Ushtria. Kjo nd\u00ebrthurje e fushave, e cila zot\u00ebronte lidhur me tema t\u00eb caktuara, v\u00ebrtetohet gjithashtu nga korrespondenca dhe bashk\u00ebpunimi i vazhduesh\u00ebm midis aktor\u00ebve kolektiv\u00eb ministria e jashtme, ministria e kultur\u00ebs dhe arsimit, akademis\u00eb s\u00eb shkencave n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb, ministria e luft\u00ebs, shtabi i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm, kancelaria ushtarake e Princit trash\u00ebgimtar Franz Ferdinand-it dhe komanda supreme e ushtris\u00eb\/shtatmadhoria.<\/p>\n

Fusha e Pushtetit zhvillohej vazhdimisht q\u00eb nga 1890 deri 1918 dhe ishte e p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb koh\u00eb. Ajo u manifestua plot\u00ebsisht p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb rreth vitit 1896, pra n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e aksionit p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb t\u00eb Ballhausplatz-it. N\u00eb \u00e7do koh\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb b\u00ebrtham\u00eb ose nj\u00eb rreth t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj Fushe t\u00eb Pushtetit. K\u00ebsaj b\u00ebrthame u p\u00ebrkisnin aktor\u00ebt kolektiv\u00eb si ministria e jashtme, shtabi i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm, kancelaria ushtarake e Princit trash\u00ebgimtar, instituti i Ballkanit n\u00eb Sarajev\u00eb q\u00eb nga 1904 dhe komiteti p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb q\u00eb nga 1913. Aktor\u00ebt individual\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt u p\u00ebrkisnin b\u00ebrtham\u00ebs s\u00eb Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Pushtetit dhe ishin nga t\u00eb kat\u00ebr fushat Politika, Ushtria, Shkenca ose Albanologjia dhe Austrofil\u00ebt ose Kryeura, ndryshonin me kalimin e koh\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Tek marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet qend\u00ebr-periferi, t\u00eb cilat q\u00ebndronin n\u00eb shenj\u00ebn e imperializmit kulturor, q\u00eb kryhej me an\u00eb t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs strukturore dhe kulturore, b\u00ebhej fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb interaksion kompleks t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve kolektiv\u00eb dhe individual\u00eb t\u00eb fushave pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebse Albanologjia, Politika, Ushtria dhe Kampi i Austrofil\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb, protagonist\u00ebt e shquar Fusha e Pushtetit t\u00eb t\u00eb cilave ishin Ippen, Thall\u00f3czy, Clanner, Leo Ghilardi, Rappaport, Kral dhe Nopcsa. Austro-Hungaria luante nj\u00eb rol t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb arritjen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, por nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht ajo, me an\u00eb t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs strukturore dhe kulturore respektivisht imperializmit informal ose kulturor, p\u00ebrpiqej ta drejtonte vendin e vog\u00ebl politikisht, ekonomisht dhe ushtarakisht kund\u00ebr pansllavizmit dhe imperializmit italian, duke dashur q\u00eb albanologjia t\u00eb luante nj\u00eb rol ky\u00e7 si \u201cpushtet i but\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb afat t\u00eb gjat\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Instrumentalizimi i shkenc\u00ebs p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime politike, komerciale dhe ushtarake kishte p\u00ebr baz\u00eb nj\u00eb program politik t\u00eb ministris\u00eb s\u00eb jashtme, i cili ishte i zhvilluar vet\u00ebm n\u00eb fillimet e para. K\u00ebshtu mb\u00ebshtetja e albanologjis\u00eb nuk ishte pjes\u00eb e aksionit p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb t\u00eb Ballhausplatz-it rreth 1900. Qeveria austro-hungareze kufizohej n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi n\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahjen e k\u00ebrkimeve albanologjike n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb zem\u00ebrgjer\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet subvencioneve dhe pranimit t\u00eb projekteve k\u00ebrkimore dhe ekspeditave k\u00ebrkimore, me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb albanologjia n\u00eb rast nevoje, i cili b\u00ebhej realitet n\u00eb Luft\u00ebn e Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, t\u00eb vihej me gatishm\u00ebri n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb politi\u00ebs, ushtris\u00eb dhe ekonomis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Tipat e austrofil\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Individ\u00ebt dhe grupimet e kryeur\u00ebs austro-hungareze n\u00eb territoret shqiptare ishin p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e klerit katolik, t\u00eb fiseve zakonisht katolike t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb Veriore \u2013 kryesisht n\u00eb Mirdit\u00eb dhe Dukagjin \u2013, t\u00eb \u00e7ifligar\u00ebve m\u00eb shum\u00eb mysliman\u00eb t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Mesme dhe Jugore si dhe t\u00eb ish-student\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb Austro-Hungari, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt i p\u00ebrkisnin elit\u00ebs intelektuale me edukim per\u00ebndimor.[8]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0Personalitetet m\u00eb t\u00eb njohura p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse ishin Gjergj Pekmezi, Syrja Bej Vlora, Eqrem Bej Vlora, Ferit Bej Vlora, Fazil Bej Pasha Toptani, Luigj Gurakuqi, Ismail Qemal Vlora, Prenk Bib\u00eb Doda, Marka Gjoni, Aqif Pasha Elbasani\/Bi\u00e7ak\u00e7iu, Myfit Bej Libohova, Faik Bej Konica, Laz\u00ebr Mjeda, Jak Serreqi, Prenk Do\u00e7i, Pashk Trokshi, Bajram Curri, Hasan Bej Prishtina, Isa Boletini, Sali Bej Butka dhe Zef Curani.<\/p>\n

Fusha e Austrofil\u00ebve Shqiptar\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebhej nga aktor\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm individual\u00eb dhe kolektiv\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt duhen par\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb diferencuar. Ata u p\u00ebrkisnin shtresave t\u00eb ndryshme sociale dhe kishin motive t\u00eb shum\u00ebllojshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj fushe. Duke marr\u00eb parasysh larmin\u00eb e dukshme t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve kolektiv\u00eb, ne mund t\u00eb flasim patjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr n\u00ebnfusha, t\u00eb cilat dallohen p\u00ebr sa u p\u00ebrket termave ky\u00e7\u00eb doxa, illusio dhe kapitale. Udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e fiseve katolike t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut, klerik\u00ebt katolik\u00eb t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut dhe bejler\u00ebt mysliman\u00eb t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Mesme dhe Jugore, tri n\u00ebnfusha potenciale t\u00eb Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Austrofil\u00ebve t\u00eb Monarkis\u00eb s\u00eb Dyfisht\u00eb n\u00eb vendbanimet shqiptare, kishin fillimisht vet\u00ebm pak lidhje me nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn. Kryetar\u00ebt e fiseve dhe klerik\u00ebt e Veriut kishin m\u00eb shum\u00eb lidhje me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin sesa me bejler\u00ebt e Jugut.<\/p>\n

Le t\u00eb shohim dallimet n\u00eb doxa dhe illusio t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre tri n\u00ebnfushave. Jeta, zakonet dhe pik\u00ebpamjet e an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb fiseve t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut ishin t\u00eb formuara nga kanuni, e drejta zakonore tradicionale, e njohur si doxa-ja e mal\u00ebsor\u00ebve. Klerik\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut, gjithashtu t\u00eb rritur n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e kanunit, ishin t\u00eb ndikuar kulturalisht nga koleg\u00ebt e tyre italian\u00eb dhe austro-hungarez\u00eb dhe t\u00eb formuar fetarisht nga m\u00ebsimi katolik, pra doxa-ja e t\u00eb krishter\u00ebve, ku duhet evidentuar ndryshimi midis klerit qytetar dhe klerit fshatar. Bejler\u00ebt mysliman\u00eb ishin t\u00eb ndikuar kulturalisht nga orienti dhe otomanizmi dhe t\u00eb formuar fetarisht nga shkollimi islamik, ndryshe doxa-ja e mysliman\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

\u00c7do n\u00ebnfush\u00eb kishte illusio-n, d.m.th. q\u00ebllimin e vet. Fiset e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb Veriore synonin zakonisht nj\u00eb ekspansion t\u00eb territoreve t\u00eb tyre n\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb fiseve fqinje dhe nj\u00eb autonomi brenda Perandoris\u00eb Osmane. M\u00eb i suksesshmi k\u00ebtu ishte\u00a0 kapedani i Mirdit\u00ebs Prenk Bib\u00eb Doda. Kleri i Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb Veriore \u2013 n\u00ebn drejtimin e abatit t\u00eb Mirdit\u00ebs Prenk Do\u00e7i \u2013 \u00ebnd\u00ebrronte p\u00ebr nj\u00eb principat\u00eb katolike t\u00eb em\u00ebrtuar \u201cShqip\u00ebri e Ep\u00ebrme\u201d. Deri n\u00eb Luftrat Ballkanike bejler\u00ebt e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Mesme dhe Jugore l\u00ebkundeshin midis opsioneve t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb brenda Perandoris\u00eb Osmane dhe pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb vilajeteve t\u00eb bashkuara shqiptare. Q\u00eb nga Kongresi i Berlinit p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e nacionalizmit shqiptar p\u00ebrpiqeshin \u2013 edhe me ndihm\u00ebn e nj\u00ebr\u00ebs ose tjetr\u00ebs fuqi t\u00eb madhe, si Austro-Hungaria dhe Italia \u2013 t\u00eb krijonin nj\u00eb illusio t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, e cila do t\u00eb stimulonte zgjimin e nd\u00ebrgjegjes komb\u00ebtare dhe themelimin e nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb pavarur komb\u00ebtar. Ministris\u00eb s\u00eb Jashtme austro-hungareze, interesat e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs n\u00eb rastin e shembjes s\u00eb Perandoris\u00eb Osmane konvergonin me interesat e patriot\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb, i duhej vet\u00ebm t\u00eb merrte n\u00eb dor\u00eb frenat e drejtimit t\u00eb Rilindjes Komb\u00ebtare Shqiptare, duke u p\u00ebrpjekur q\u00eb t\u2019i bashkonte t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto n\u00ebnfusha n\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00eb t\u00eb vetme austrofile.<\/p>\n

Aktor\u00ebt individual\u00eb konkurronin me an\u00eb t\u00eb kapitalit ekonomik, kulturor, social dhe simbolik t\u00eb tyre p\u00ebr ruajtjen ose ndryshimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb pushtetit brendap\u00ebrbrenda Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Austrofil\u00ebve. Lidhur me kapitalin simbolik duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb dallimi midis atij q\u00eb njihet si prestigji mes t\u00eb barabart\u00ebve, pra prestigji q\u00eb aktor\u00ebt kishin midis nj\u00ebri-tjetrit, dhe prestigjit q\u00eb ata g\u00ebzonin n\u00eb popullsin\u00eb lokale. Fitimi i kapitaleve duhet shqyrtuar p\u00ebr \u00e7do rast n\u00eb studime t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta. K\u00ebtu mund t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb vet\u00ebm v\u00ebrejtje p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsuese.<\/p>\n

Kryetar\u00ebt e fiseve katolike t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb Veriore e fitonin kapitalin e tyre ekonomik \u2013 n\u00eb var\u00ebsi t\u00eb madh\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb territorit t\u00eb fisit \u2013 nga madh\u00ebsia e pron\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre, nga p\u00ebrmasa dhe pjelloria e kullot\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur vet\u00ebm nga ata, nga numri i bag\u00ebtis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre dhe nga madh\u00ebsia e pres\u00eb s\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb koh\u00ebt e konfliktit me fiset fqinje, me shtetet fqinje ose me qeverin\u00eb osmane. P\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket kapitalit kulturor t\u00eb kryetar\u00ebve t\u00eb fiseve katolike, v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb arrihet n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundime shteruese. P\u00ebr shembull lidhur me Marka Gjonin dhe Prenk Bib\u00eb Dod\u00ebn, as n\u00eb literatur\u00eb as n\u00eb arkiva t\u00eb konsultuara deri m\u00eb tani nuk gjenden t\u00eb dh\u00ebna mbi nj\u00eb shkollim t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm. Doda, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb q\u00ebndrimit n\u00eb Stamboll, n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e rinis\u00eb s\u00eb tij, mund t\u00eb kishte ndjekur ndonj\u00eb shkoll\u00eb atje. Kapitali social i bajraktar\u00ebve dhe kryetar\u00ebve fisnor\u00eb q\u00ebndronte n\u00eb aft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb lidhur bes\u00eb ose aleanc\u00eb me udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e tjer\u00eb fisnor\u00eb p\u00ebr nxitjen dhe ruajtjen e paqes t\u00eb fisit t\u00eb vet me fiset fqinje. P\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket kapitalit simbolik n\u00eb kontekstin shoq\u00ebror t\u00eb mal\u00ebsis\u00eb shqiptaro-veriore, ne duhet t\u00eb diferencojm\u00eb midis prestigjit brenda fisit t\u00eb vet dhe prestigjit n\u00ebn fiset e tjera. Prestigji p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs ushqehej nga nderi personal dhe familjar, nga zbatimi zem\u00ebrgjer\u00eb i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb mikpritjes, sukseset e gjuetis\u00eb, aft\u00ebsia e qitjes dhe trim\u00ebria n\u00eb konflikte luftarake.<\/p>\n

Kapitali kulturor i an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb klerit katolik t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb Veriore p\u00ebrb\u00ebhej nga vendi, grada dhe suksesi i shkollimit t\u00eb kryer si dhe nga pozita e arritur brenda hierarkis\u00eb kishtare. Prestigji i tyre n\u00eb popullsin\u00eb lokale varej nga fakti, n\u00ebse b\u00ebhej fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb klerik shqiptar apo t\u00eb huaj. N\u00eb rast se ai ishte nj\u00eb i huaj, at\u00ebher\u00eb ishte me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi, n\u00ebse ai ishte italian apo austriak dhe n\u00ebse banor\u00ebt lokal\u00eb ishin italofil\u00eb apo austrofil\u00eb me shumic\u00eb. Sigurisht luante nj\u00eb rol se cila nga t\u00eb dy fuqit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha angazhohej diplomatikisht dhe politikisht m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr interesat shqiptar\u00eb dhe cila nga t\u00eb dy propagandat n\u00eb vend ishte m\u00eb aktive dhe m\u00eb efektive. Prestigji i atyre klerik\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt i p\u00ebrkitnin kryeur\u00ebs s\u00eb Austro-Hungaris\u00eb, shtohej n\u00eb popullsin\u00eb lokale, kur ajo ishte gjithashtu austrofile me shumic\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb \u00e7ifligjeve dhe pasuris\u00eb s\u00eb tyre financiare bejler\u00ebt mysliman\u00eb t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Mesme dhe Jugore kishin zakonisht edhe kapital ekonomik t\u00eb konsideruesh\u00ebm. Kapitali i tyre kulturor varej nga vendi dhe grada e edukimit dhe nga fakti, n\u00ebse ata ishin n\u00ebpun\u00ebs t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs lokale osmane ose t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb perandorake. Kapitali i tyre social p\u00ebrb\u00ebhej nga numri i t\u00eb af\u00ebrmve dhe nga marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me familje t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb bejler\u00ebve, me eliten osmane n\u00eb Stamboll dhe me konsullata, ambasada dhe qeveri t\u00eb Fuqive t\u00eb M\u00ebdha. Nga e gjitha kjo krijohej kapitali i tyre simbolik, p\u00ebr shtimin e t\u00eb cilit, duke u nisur nga viti 1900, luante nj\u00eb rol gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb madh edhe p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsia n\u00eb \u201cpartin\u00eb komb\u00ebtare\u201d.<\/p>\n

Lojaliteti i aktor\u00ebve individual\u00eb dhe kolektiv\u00eb ndaj qendr\u00ebs ndryshonte sipas grad\u00ebs dhe koh\u00ebzgjatjes, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb ata mund t\u2019i p\u00ebrkitnin nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht\u00a0 kryeur\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb qendre tjet\u00ebr ose pas nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebs kryeur\u00ebs s\u00eb disa qendrave t\u00eb tjera. P\u00ebr periudh\u00ebn kohore nga aksioni p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb 1896\/1897 deri n\u00eb fund t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore dalloheshin tre tipa t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve austrofil\u00eb ose partner:\u00a0tipi vazhdimisht besnik\/lojal<\/em>;\u00a0tipi p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht besnik\/lojal<\/em>\u00a0dhe\u00a0tipi manovrues-luhat\u00ebs<\/em>. Tipi austrofil vazhdimisht besnik\/lojal ishte lojal gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb zgjatjes s\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit midis qendr\u00ebs dhe kryeur\u00ebs. Tipi austrofil p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht besnik\/lojal ishte lojal n\u00eb faza t\u00eb caktuara kalimtare, d.m.th. ai mund t\u2019i p\u00ebrkiste p\u00ebr disa vite kryeur\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebs qend\u00ebr dhe pastaj mund t\u00eb kalonte n\u00eb kampin e nj\u00eb qendre tjet\u00ebr dhe t\u00eb b\u00ebhej kund\u00ebrshtar i qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb m\u00ebparshme. Tipi austrofil manovrues-luhat\u00ebs kalonte sipas interesave midis kampeve t\u00eb dy ose madje disa qendrave ose u p\u00ebrkiste nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht kampeve t\u00eb dy ose madje disa qendrave. Sipas Nopcsa-s, korruptimi i shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve austrofil\u00eb kishte ndodhur n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ndikimit t\u00eb \u201ccivilizimit\u201d, por n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti kishte t\u00eb b\u00ebnte me faktin se, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet integrimit t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00ebn ballkanike t\u00eb Fuqive t\u00eb M\u00ebdha, shqiptar\u00ebve u paguheshin ryshfete nga pal\u00ebt e ndryshme.[9]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0Si pasoj\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt k\u00ebrkonin gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnonin t\u00eb kalonin n\u00eb qendra t\u00eb tjera konkurruese, kur ryshfetet nuk u mjaftonin. Albanologu hungarez pohon se ka ndodhur shpesh q\u00eb nj\u00eb person u detyrohej disa shteteve.<\/p>\n

Individ\u00ebt dhe grupimet e kryeur\u00ebs austro-hungareze n\u00eb territoret shqiptare ishin p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e klerit katolik, t\u00eb fiseve zakonisht katolike t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb Veriore \u2013 kryesisht n\u00eb Mirdit\u00eb dhe Dukagjin \u2013, t\u00eb \u00e7ifligar\u00ebve m\u00eb shum\u00eb mysliman\u00eb t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Mesme dhe Jugore si dhe t\u00eb ish-student\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb Austro-Hungari, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt i p\u00ebrkisnin elit\u00ebs intelektuale me edukim per\u00ebndimor. Personalitetet m\u00eb t\u00eb njohura p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse ishin Gjergj Pekmezi, Syrja Bej Vlora, Eqrem Bej Vlora, Ferit Bej Vlora, Fazil Bej Pasha Toptani, Luigj Gurakuqi, Ismail Qemal Vlora, Prenk Bib\u00eb Doda, Marka Gjoni, Aqif Pasha Elbasani\/Bi\u00e7ak\u00e7iu, Myfit Bej Libohova, Faik Bej Konica, Laz\u00ebr Mjeda, Jak Serreqi, Prenk Do\u00e7i, Pashk Trokshi, Bajram Curri, Hasan Bej Prishtina, Isa Boletini, Sali Bej Butka dhe Zef Curani.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vijim do t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqemi t\u2019i klasifikojm\u00eb ata sipas t\u00eb tre tipave t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve austrofil\u00eb. Tipit vazhdimisht besnik\/lojal i p\u00ebrkisnin me siguri vet\u00ebm Laz\u00ebr Mjeda dhe Gjergj Pekmezi. Tipit p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht besnik\/lojal i p\u00ebrkisnin Faik Konica, Myfit Libohova, Isa Boletini dhe Hasan Prishtina. Tipit manovrues-luhat\u00ebs i p\u00ebrkitnin Ferit Vlora, Prenk Do\u00e7i, Pashk Trokshi, Ismail Qemal Vlora, Luigj Gurakuqi, Prenk Bib\u00eb Doda dhe Marka Gjoni. Syrja Vlora, Eqrem Vlora, Aqif Elbasani\/Bi\u00e7ak\u00e7iu, Bajram Curri, Sali Butka, Fazil Toptani dhe Jak Serreqi duhen par\u00eb me pik\u00ebpyetje: ose si pjes\u00eb e tipit t\u00eb par\u00eb ose t\u00eb tipit t\u00eb dyt\u00eb t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve austrofil\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb gj\u00eb mund t\u00eb themi me siguri: shumic\u00ebn e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve e gjejm\u00eb n\u00eb tipin p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht besnik\/lojal dhe tipin manovrues-luhat\u00ebs, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt duket se i shkojn\u00eb p\u00ebr shtat situat\u00ebs s\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve. Kalimet midis k\u00ebtyre dy tipave jan\u00eb gjithashtu t\u00eb rrjedhshme, dhe prandaj kategorizimi i p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb tyre mund t\u00eb varioj\u00eb sipas pik\u00ebpamjes dhe interpretimit subjektiv. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj nuk kemi mjaft t\u00eb dh\u00ebna n\u00eb dispozicion mbi t\u00eb gjith\u00eb aktor\u00eb individual\u00eb austrofil\u00eb, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb kategorizimi i tyre mund t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb sipas interpretimit t\u00eb informacioneve t\u00eb reja. Nj\u00eb popull i vog\u00ebl, i cili sa po fillonte t\u00eb vendosej si komb dhe, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb partikularizmit ende mbizot\u00ebrues, rrezikohej t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohej n\u00eb top futbolli n\u00eb duart e Fuqive t\u00eb M\u00ebdha dhe shteteve fqinje, p\u00ebrpiqej n\u00eb elit\u00ebn e tij zgjuese t\u00eb emancipohej nga fuqit\u00eb e huaja dhe t\u00eb mbronte interesat e tij n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet luhatjes dhe manovrimit. \u201cLuhatje\u201d dhe \u201cmanovrim\u201d p\u00ebrdoren k\u00ebtu n\u00eb nj\u00eb kuptim neutral, pa asnj\u00eb konotacion negativ, sepse gjithcka varet nga motivi dhe q\u00ebllimi, dhe q\u00ebllimi i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt i t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve austrofil\u00eb, krahas p\u00ebrpjekjeve njer\u00ebzore p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfitime personale, ka qen\u00eb realizimi i aspiratave komb\u00ebtare. Gjithashtu nuk duhet harruar se deri m\u00eb sot n\u00eb politik\u00ebn shqiptare \u00ebsht\u00eb zakon nj\u00eb far\u00eb esatizmi[10]<\/sup><\/a>, d.m.th. koalicione ndryshuese, madje aleanca me \u201carmiq t\u00eb betuar\u201d sipas koniunktur\u00ebs politike dhe interesave personale.[11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

Nga viti 1896 deri t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn n\u00eb 1914 qendra, pra Austro-Hungaria, mund t\u00eb kishte v\u00ebrtet besim vet\u00ebm tek pak p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues t\u00eb kryeur\u00ebs s\u00eb saj shqiptare n\u00eb periferi, pik\u00ebrisht tek Syrja Vlora, Eqrem Vlora,Laz\u00ebr Mjeda dhe Gjergj Pekmezi. Riorientimi i Syrja Vlor\u00ebs dhe Eqrem Vlor\u00ebs lidhur me politik\u00ebn e jashtme gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore lejon dy interpretime: nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb, duke shikuar prapa, mund t\u00eb hamend\u00ebsohet se t\u00eb dy q\u00eb nga fillimi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Madhe nuk do t\u00eb kishin qen\u00eb m\u00eb ithtar\u00eb qind p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb politik\u00ebs austro-hungareze ndaj Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe do t\u00eb kishin filluar tashm\u00eb t\u00eb orientoheshin n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb Italis\u00eb; nga ana tjet\u00ebr duhet t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb faktin q\u00eb, pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore me fundin e Monarkis\u00eb Dualiste, zgjedhja e orientimit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, p\u00ebrball\u00eb interesave antishqiptar\u00eb t\u00eb shteteve fqinje Malit t\u00eb Zi, Serbis\u00eb dhe Greqis\u00eb, me gjith\u00eb rezervat e drejta mund t\u00eb ishte vet\u00ebm Italia. Zhg\u00ebnjimi i Mjed\u00ebs q\u00eb Ministria e Jashtme austro-hungareze nuk kishte qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje ta b\u00ebnte at\u00eb arqipeshk\u00ebv t\u00eb Shkodr\u00ebs, e ulte me siguri p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb kohe gatishm\u00ebrin\u00eb e tij p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim me Vjen\u00ebn. Jo m\u00eb von\u00eb se nga fillimi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Madhe, Syrja Vlora nuk e g\u00ebzonte m\u00eb besimin e plot\u00eb t\u00eb Vjen\u00ebs, gj\u00eb q\u00eb vlente deri n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb mase edhe p\u00ebr djalin e tij Eqrem Vlor\u00ebn. Pekmezi, i cili e kalonte pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb koh\u00ebs n\u00eb kryeqytetin austro-hungarez, ku vepronte si albanolog n\u00eb universitet dhe si njoh\u00ebs i Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr Ballhausplatz-in, kishte nj\u00eb pozit\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb midis Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Shkenc\u00ebs, Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Politik\u00ebs dhe Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Austrofil\u00ebve. Vet\u00ebm konflikti i tij me komisarin civil August Kral lidhur me Komisin\u00eb Letrare Shqipe n\u00eb Shkod\u00ebr gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore e zbehte n\u00eb fund kooperimin deri at\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb padiskutuesh\u00ebm me Ministrin\u00eb e Jashtme austro-hungareze. N\u00eb rastin e Aqif Elbasanit\/Bi\u00e7ak\u00e7iut, Sali Butk\u00ebs dhe Bajram Currit duhet ende t\u00eb hulumtohet, se n\u00eb cil\u00ebn periudh\u00eb, pa marr\u00eb parasysh Luft\u00ebn e Madhe, ata ishin v\u00ebrtet plot\u00ebsisht austrofil\u00eb. Mbi Fazil Toptanin nuk ka t\u00eb dh\u00ebna t\u00eb mjaftueshme, q\u00eb ai t\u00eb mund t\u00eb kategorizohej pa diskutim.<\/p>\n

Pas shum\u00eb viteve Faik Konica u kthye p\u00ebrs\u00ebri n\u00eb kampin italian dhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjimit u b\u00eb nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar i Austro-Hungaris\u00eb. Myfit Libohova, Isa Boletini dhe Hasan Prishtina ishin vet\u00ebm q\u00eb prej periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb Luftrave Ballkanike ithtar\u00eb t\u00eb betuar t\u00eb Monarkis\u00eb s\u00eb Dyfisht\u00eb. Prenk Do\u00e7i, tek i cili pala vjeneze n\u00eb fillim kishte besim t\u00eb madh, tregohej gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb si faktor i pasigurt italofil, derisa u braktis m\u00eb n\u00eb fund pak para Luftrave Ballkanike. Pashk Trokshi b\u00ebnte q\u00eb nga fillimi nj\u00eb loj\u00eb t\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb me Ballhausplatz-in. Ismail Qemal Vlora ishte kandidati i diskutuesh\u00ebm i ministrit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm Berchtold p\u00ebr shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, pasi e kishte m\u00ebnjanuar me shkatht\u00ebsi Syrja Vlor\u00ebn. Luigj Gurakuqi q\u00ebndronte gjithmon\u00eb n\u00ebn dyshimin se ishte edhe nj\u00eb simpatizant i Italis\u00eb. Mb\u00ebshtetja austro-hungareze ndaj Marka Gjonit u mohua m\u00eb 1913 p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb agjitacionit t\u00eb tij proserb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb Prenk Bib\u00eb Doda ishte nj\u00eb mjesht\u00ebr i l\u00ebkundjes midis kampit francez, italian, malazez, serb dhe austro-hungarez.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrfundim<\/strong><\/p>\n

Faktor\u00ebt vendimtar\u00eb p\u00ebr mosrealizimin e\u00a0 interesave t\u00eb Austro-Hungaris\u00eb ndaj shqiptar\u00ebve austrofil\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb p\u00ebrmbledhtas si vijojn\u00eb: p\u00ebr\u00e7arja e klerit katolik t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut midis Italis\u00eb dhe Austro-Hungaris\u00eb; regjionalizimi i fiseve verioshqiptare, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht i mirditasve n\u00ebn Prenk Bib\u00eb Dod\u00ebn; humbja e ndikimit t\u00eb Monarkis\u00eb Dualiste mbi katolik\u00ebt e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb rolit negativ t\u00eb Ludwig von Thall\u00f3czy-it gjat\u00eb kryengritjes s\u00eb mal\u00ebsor\u00ebve shkodran\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1883 kund\u00ebr Perandoris\u00eb Osmane p\u00ebr parandalimin e shk\u00ebputjeve territoriale t\u00eb mundshme n\u00eb favor t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi; q\u00ebndrimi antiaustro-hungarez p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb i familjeve t\u00eb nderuara t\u00eb pasura toptanase n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb dhe Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb e Mesme, t\u00eb cilat paguheshin nga administrata osmane; d\u00ebshtimi i Syrja Vlor\u00ebs dhe Eqrem Vlor\u00ebs lidhur me thirrjen e nj\u00eb kuvendi komb\u00ebtar; arrestimi disamuajsh i politikan\u00ebve shqiptaro-kosovar\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishem si Hasan Prishtin\u00ebs n\u00eb Beograd gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Ballkanike; q\u00ebndrimi ambivalent ose l\u00ebkund\u00ebs ndaj Austro-Hungaris\u00eb i aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm austrofil\u00eb si Prenk Do\u00e7i, Pashk Trokshi, Prenk Bib\u00eb Doda dhe Faik Konica; d\u00ebshtimi pjes\u00ebrisht i pafaj i Princit austrofil Wilhelm zu Wied; pranimi i parimit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarizimit n\u00eb vend t\u00eb parimit t\u00eb protektoratit n\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn e Ambasador\u00ebve n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr lidhur me themelimin e shtetit shqiptar; administrimi i ashp\u00ebr ushtarak, sidomos n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb okupacionit austro-hungarez t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb vitet 1916-1918 si dhe kontradikta permanente midis rretheve drejtuese t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme dhe atyre ushtarake n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Bibliografia<\/strong><\/p>\n

Gostentschnigg, Kurt (2018): Wissenschaft im Spannungsfeld von Politik und Milit\u00e4r. Die \u00f6sterreichisch-ungarische Albanologie 1867-1918. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. (828 f.).<\/p>\n

Gostentschnigg, Kurt (2023): Die Essenz der \u00f6sterreichisch-ungarisch-albanischen Beziehungen. N\u00eb: Kol\u00eb Ashta dhe studimet albanologjike nd\u00ebr vite. Studime Shqiptare 30. Shkodra, f. 203-214.<\/p>\n

Gostentschnigg, Kurt dhe Kaser, Karl (2014): Albanologjia austro-hungareze 1867-1918 \u2013 nj\u00eb rast i imperializmit kulturor? Nj\u00eb projekt k\u00ebrkimor. N\u00eb: Hylli i Drit\u00ebs 34, nr. 1-2 (279-280), f. 3-26.<\/p>\n

Gostentschnigg, Kurt (2018): Albanologjia austro-hungareze: Shkenca n\u00ebn ndikimin e Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Pushtetit. N\u00eb: T\u00eb rizbulojm\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebtat. E shkuara dhe e tashmja e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve Austri-Shqip\u00ebri n\u00eb kaleidoskop. E botuar nga Ministria Federale p\u00ebr Evrop\u00ebn, Integrimin dhe Pun\u00ebt e Jashtme \u2013 Seksioni p\u00ebr Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Kulturore me Jasht\u00eb. Vjena, f. 117-129.<\/p>\n

Gostentschnigg, Kurt (2017): The different researcher types. Austro\u2013Hungarian albanology between politics and military. In: Ramadani, Fehari; Kosumi, Bajram (ed.): International scientific conference \u201cRelations between Albanians and Austria\u2013Hungary (Austria) by mid XIX. century to our days\u201d. Skopje, Prishtina: Logos-A, f. 73\u201386.<\/p>\n

Gostentschnigg, Kurt (2021): Ismail Qemal Vlora apo Syrja Vlora? Austro-Hungaria midis tipave t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve austrofil\u00eb. N\u00eb: Ismail Qemal Vlora dhe elita politike shqiptare n\u00eb procesin e shtetnd\u00ebrtimit. Akte t\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebs Shkencore Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare (27 shtator 2019). Tirana: Akademia e Studimeve Albanologjike. Instituti i Historis\u00eb, f. 77-94.<\/p>\n

Gostentschnigg, Kurt (2016): Die albanischen Parteig\u00e4nger \u00d6sterreich\u2013Ungarns. Ein Versuch der Rekonstruktion des Br\u00fcckenkopf\u2013Feldes an der Peripherie des habsburgischen Zentrums. N\u00eb: Shejzat, v\u00ebll. 1, nr. 1\u20132, f. 119\u2013170.<\/p>\n

Vlora, Syrja (2013): Kujtime. Nga fundi i sundimit osman n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e Vlor\u00ebs. P\u00ebrgatitur p\u00ebr botim nga Marenglen Verli dhe Ledia Dushku, Tirana: Iceberg.<\/p>\n

Vlora, Ekrem (1968): Lebenserinnerungen I (1885\u20131912). M\u00fcnchen: Oldenbourg.<\/p>\n

Galtung, Johan (1990): Cultural Violence. N\u00eb: Journal of Peace Research, v\u00ebll. 27, nr. 3, f. 291\u2013305.<\/p>\n

Papilloud, Christian (2003): Bourdieu lesen. Einf\u00fchrung in eine Soziologie des Unterschieds. Mit einem Nachwort von Loic Wacquant, Bielefeld: Transcript.<\/p>\n

[1]<\/a>\u00a0Gostentschnigg, Kurt (2018): Wissenschaft im Spannungsfeld von Politik und Milit\u00e4r. Die \u00f6sterreichisch-ungarische Albanologie 1867-1918. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. (828 f.).<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a>\u00a0Lista e botimeve t\u00eb Bourdieu-s dhe mbi Bourdieu-n \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e gjat\u00eb. Shih si hyrje Papilloud, Christian (2003): Bourdieu lesen. Einf\u00fchrung in eine Soziologie des Unterschieds. Mit einem Nachwort von Loic Wacquant, Bielefeld: Transcript.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a>\u00a0Shih Wallerstein, Immanuel: The Modern World-System, e botuar n\u00eb kat\u00ebr v\u00ebllime 1974, 1980, 1989 dhe 2011.<\/p>\n

[4]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0Galtung, Johan (1971): A Structural Theory of Imperialism. N\u00eb: Journal of Peace Research, v\u00ebll. 8, nr. 2, Oslo, f. 81\u2013117; Galtung, Johan (1990): Cultural Violence. N\u00eb: Journal of Peace Research, v\u00ebll. 27, nr. 3, Oslo, f. 291\u2013305.<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a>\u00a0Galtung, Johan (1990): Cultural Violence, f. 291-305.<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a>\u00a0Lidhur me k\u00ebt\u00eb shih Gostentschnigg (2018): Wissenschaft im Spannungsfeld von Politik und Milit\u00e4r. Die \u00f6sterreichisch-ungarische Albanologie 1867-1918, f. 222\u2013245; Gostentschnigg, Kurt (2017): The different researcher types. Austro\u2013Hungarian albanology between politics and military. In: Ramadani, Fehari; Kosumi, Bajram (ed.): International scientific conference \u201cRelations between Albanians and Austria\u2013Hungary (Austria) by mid XIX. century to our days\u201d. Skopje, Prishtina: Logos-A, f. 73\u201386.<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a>\u00a0Lidhur me k\u00ebt\u00eb shih Gostentschnigg (2018): Wissenschaft im Spannungsfeld von Politik und Milit\u00e4r. Die \u00f6sterreichisch-ungarische Albanologie 1867-1918, f. 729\u2013761;<\/a>\u00a0Gostentschnigg, Kurt (2018): Albanologjia austro-hungareze: Shkenca n\u00ebn ndikimin e Fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Pushtetit. N\u00eb: T\u00eb rizbulojm\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebtat. E shkuara dhe e tashmja e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve Austri-Shqip\u00ebri n\u00eb kaleidoskop. E botuar nga Ministria Federale p\u00ebr Evrop\u00ebn, Integrimin dhe Pun\u00ebt e Jashtme \u2013 Seksioni p\u00ebr Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Kulturore me Jasht\u00eb. Vjena, f. 117-129.<\/p>\n

[8]<\/a>\u00a0Lidhur me k\u00ebt\u00eb shih Gostentschnigg (2018): Wissenschaft im Spannungsfeld von Politik und Milit\u00e4r. Die \u00f6sterreichisch-ungarische Albanologie 1867-1918, f. 606\u2013611;<\/a>\u00a0Gostentschnigg, Kurt (2021): Ismail Qemal Vlora apo Syrja Vlora? Austro-Hungaria midis tipave t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve austrofil\u00eb. N\u00eb: Ismail Qemal Vlora dhe elita politike shqiptare n\u00eb procesin e shtetnd\u00ebrtimit. Akte t\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebs Shkencore Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare (27 shtator 2019). Tirana: Akademia e Studimeve Albanologjike. Instituti i Historis\u00eb, f. 77-94; Gostentschnigg, Kurt (2016): Die albanischen Parteig\u00e4nger \u00d6sterreich\u2013Ungarns. Ein Versuch der Rekonstruktion des Br\u00fcckenkopf\u2013Feldes an der Peripherie des habsburgischen Zentrums. N\u00eb: Shejzat, v\u00ebll. 1, nr. 1\u20132, f. 119\u2013170.<\/p>\n

[9]<\/a>\u00a0Robel, Gert (1966): Franz Baron Nopcsa und Albanien. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. f. 117 f., sh\u00ebn. 665.<\/p>\n

[10]<\/a>\u00a0Nj\u00eb term, i cili i referohet politik\u00ebs s\u00eb Esat Pash\u00eb Toptanit t\u00eb drejtuar nga motive vetjake.<\/p>\n

[11]<\/a>\u00a0Shembujt m\u00eb t\u00eb njohur q\u00eb nga viti 1992 jan\u00eb Sali Berisha dhe Fatos Nano si dhe Sali Berisha dhe Ilir Meta. Sidomos Ilir Meta \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mjesht\u00ebr i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb i nd\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb an\u00ebve, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb\u00a0 ai gjendet q\u00eb prej vitesh gjithmon\u00eb n\u00eb krahun e pushtetit dhe ka marr\u00eb n\u00eb fakt politik\u00ebn e vendit peng. Cil\u00ebve interesave ata u sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb me k\u00ebt\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pyetje, mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn vet\u00ebm mund t\u00eb spekulohet.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Shkruan: Kurt Gostentschnigg N\u00eb prag t\u00eb r\u00ebnies s\u00eb Perandoris\u00eb Osmane Austro-Hungaris\u00eb i duhej Shqip\u00ebria si shtet i pavarur, si aleate e vetme n\u00eb Ballkan kund\u00ebr pansllavizmit nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb dhe kund\u00ebr imperializmit italian n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr. Shkodra ka qen\u00eb qendra e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve austro-hungaro-shqiptare, t\u00eb cilat shtriheshin n\u00eb fushat shkenc\u00eb, politik\u00eb, ekonomi, ushtri dhe kultur\u00eb. Shkodra […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":72219,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"_uf_show_specific_survey":0,"_uf_disable_surveys":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[70],"tags":[3531],"yoast_head":"\nShkodra si qendra e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve austro-hungaro-shqiptare<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/permbledhja.com\/sq\/shkodra-si-qendra-e-marredhenieve-austro-hungaro-shqiptare\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Shkodra si qendra e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve austro-hungaro-shqiptare\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Shkruan: Kurt Gostentschnigg N\u00eb prag t\u00eb r\u00ebnies s\u00eb Perandoris\u00eb Osmane Austro-Hungaris\u00eb i duhej Shqip\u00ebria si shtet i pavarur, si aleate e vetme n\u00eb Ballkan kund\u00ebr pansllavizmit nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb dhe kund\u00ebr imperializmit italian n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr. 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